One of the practical effects of the legislation would have
been the automatic creation of a civil cause of action for the wrongful death
of an unborn child—allowing either parent of an unborn baby to bring a lawsuit
against a person whose wrongful act killed the baby. While this was important, and a laudable
pro-life goal in and of itself, the implications and effects of House Bill 1
are much broader, deeper, and more significant.
The goal with HB1 was never limited to the creation of a
lawsuit, but was more fundamental: the
recognition of the humanity of
pre-born babies for all legal purposes.
Such recognition makes a loud, clear pro-life statement, of course. The statement is that abortion is the killing
of a human baby—the killing of a person endowed with inalienable rights rather than
the dignified disposal of impersonal, meaningless “products of conception.”
But there is more to HB1 than even that bold proclamation of
truth. By acting on the Commonwealth’s
prerogative to decide for itself which “persons” are possessed of fundamental
rights under the Virginia Constitution and Code, the legislature can significantly
impact judicial decisions on legal challenges to future pro-life
legislation. In essence, while HB1 does
nothing to directly erode the “reproductive rights” created by the United
States Supreme Court, it would introduce a new category of “rights” to be
considered by the courts: the bundle of
fundamental rights the bill explicitly acknowledges as belonging to every human
being from conception until natural death.
I don’t know why HB1 wasn’t mentioned in the Report
Card. Maybe it was because the story was
too big to be reduced to a few lines of print and evaluated with simple plus
and minus symbols. Maybe it was because
The Family Foundation was content that a separate bill, Senate Bill 674,
created the wrongful death cause of action that would also have resulted from
passage of HB1– even though it omitted that critical recognition of the
humanity and basic rights of the unborn child.
I don’t know the reason, but here is the untold story:
HB1 passed the House of Delegates easily, for the second
consecutive year. Then it headed to the
Senate to be heard by the highly unpredictable Education and Health
Committee. When we arrived at the
Committee room at around 7:30 a.m., lines were already forming. It was Planned Parenthood's Lobby Day, and
abortion activists turned out in droves.
Our hopes were not particularly high that HB1 would survive this Committee. In fact, we were convinced that it would be quite the miracle for that to happen after The Family Foundation had given its support to SB674, which many viewed (incorrectly) as an acceptable alternative.
Our hopes were not particularly high that HB1 would survive this Committee. In fact, we were convinced that it would be quite the miracle for that to happen after The Family Foundation had given its support to SB674, which many viewed (incorrectly) as an acceptable alternative.
The hearing was long and heated. The spiritual battle in
that room was almost palpable. A number of times, opponents of the bill (who,
again, packed the sizeable room) were threatened with removal for their
inappropriate comments and interruptions. At one point, someone was removed.
But when the vote was taken, it was 8-7 to report the bill to the full Senate (a win!). That was incredible!
In the lobby, opponents chanted and waved their arms menacingly. At one point, one woman took a swing at Delegate Marshall and had to be restrained by the police. I was verbally accosted by two different women, separately. After several minutes, police gave the order to "clear the lobby." Opponents proceeded outside, where they lined the street with their signs, chanting, "My body--my choice!"
Just a few hours later, in a rare procedural move, the Senate leadership had expedited the bill to the Senate floor (where it was not expected until Monday). Senator Dick Saslaw, a Democrat from the Education and Health Committee, moved to send the bill BACK to the same Committee that had just passed it, for reconsideration in 2013. His motion was seconded by the Republican Majority Leader, Senator Tommy Norment.
Senator Mark Obenshain courageously spoke against the motion
and insisted that a recorded vote be taken on it. However, five Republicans voted with the
Democrats to send the bill back to Committee.
These five were Tommy Norment, Frank Ruff, Frank Wagner, John Watkins
and Harry Blevins, who had voted to report the bill from Committee only hours
before! (Ponder the motivations of these
five. Are they not pro-life? Do they believe life begins sometime after conception?)
This effectively killed the bill for the year. While Senator Steve Martin could have
convened a special session of the Committee last fall to revive the bill, he declined
to do so.
The rest of the story remains to be written.
The pro-life community should thank Delegate Marshall for
doing the hard, unpopular work of carrying strong, meaningful legislation that
holds real potential to change the game in abortion law. I am unspeakably sad about the fact that his
valiant efforts appear to have been ignored by those who should be providing
the strongest support.
We should also thank Senator Mark Obenshain for taking a courageous
stand on the Senate floor, resisting the efforts of some politicians (including
Republican leaders) to pervert the normal legislative process by avoiding a
full, recorded floor vote on the legislation itself.
These legislators deserve to have this story told.
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